Where have all the Arabs gone?


Where have all the Arabs gone? This question could well be answered over the next few days when the Syrian National Council and other opposition groups meet in Istanbul and when the Arab League meets in Baghdad.

Political and media commentators remain uncertain as to how the turbulent events of last year might finally play out, but one thing is for sure they generally prefix their analysis with reference to its Arab identity. We talk about the ‘Arab Spring’, the ‘Arab Awakening’ and if we are feeling a little contraire the ‘Arab Winter’. The seasons might change but the Arabness of what we are talking about remains a comforting constant.  

Are we right to do so when the immediate beneficiaries have been Islamist parties of all various shades and colours? Their electoral victory in Tunisia and then Egypt is hardly surprising when one thinks of their organisational structure and grass-roots membership. What is less noted, however, is the extent to which religious political fervour is eclipsing or at the very least remaking Arab identity.

The dominant discourse here in the West continues to portray events in Syria as a rights base struggle between Syria’s citizens and its authoritarian leader. We frame our analysis with reference to Tahrir Square. But, it is equally possible to see the conflict as part of wider proxy war between Iran and Saudi Arabia and between different strands of Islam. We talk about the Syrian National Council as if it’s a homogenous group, when in reality it is a disparate band of opposition group with little in common other than a desire to remove President Assad.

At the moment there is little clarity as to which strand of political Islam will prevail in which areas of the Middle East, and even if the strands are the same in differing contexts. The Muslim Brotherhood in Tunisia is different to that which exists in Egypt which in turn is different to the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria. The common denominator, however, that used to bind these countries together appears missing.

Compare for instance the first meeting of the Arab League in 1964 that the Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser called “to unify the Arab position to face an Israeli war project on Arab waters” with the one that is to be held in Baghdad later this week.

It is unlikely that the kings of Saudi Arabia, Morocco and Bahrain will attend, while Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi is expected to give his apologies due to the volatile situation in Egypt. Syria will be the focus of discussion rather than a participant.

And who will represent the Palestinians – the PLO of the West Bank or the Hamas that liberated Gaza from Israeli occupation. That Hamas is now welcomed in Cairo as persona grata shows just how topsy turvy the region has become over the last few months and how are traditional points of reference need our critical re-evaluation.

None of this is to say that in our rush to understand events in the Middle East and North Africa we should ditch one framing narrative for another. Perhaps, however, its time we recognised the complexity and fluidity of the situation(s) and that for the time being we are caught between frames and that there is no one dominant narrative. If we could do that, we might be better free to understand what is actually going on across the region.

Please note this will be my last blog until after Easter.

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World Water Day – Water and Sanitation for All


Ahead of World Water Day this Thursday, the Rt Revd Peter Price, the baby-eating Bishop of Bath and Wells, secured time in the House Lords last night for a short debate on the steps that are needed to enhance access to proper sanitation and safe water in developing countries.

As a roving ambassador for Water Aid and as Bishop of a Diocese intimately associated with water the Bishop is something of an expert when it comes to water and sanitation. His opening comments to this debate are well worth a read as are the concluding remarks from Baroness Stowell of Beeston, the Dfid Government minister in the Lords.

The statistics are truly frighteningly. Some 4,000 children die every day from diarrhoeal diseases. On average, women in rural Africa spend one-quarter of their day fetching water, with girls sometimes being kept out of school by this onerous task.

As noted by Bishop Peter – “… its is entirely unacceptable in the twenty firstcentury that international development efforts are still held back because of a lack of access toclean water and sanitation. Regrettably, the UK’s record on development is being weakened by the lack of concerted international action on water and sanitation.”

If you want to learn more about World Water Day this Thursday then click on the following link.

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Staying the Distance in Afghanistan


Which ever way you look at it it’s been a perilously bad few months for NATO operations in Afghanistan.

The Quran burning incident allied to video footage of US soldiers urinating on the dead bodies of Taliban fighters followed by the indiscriminate shooting spree of one lone US sniper that left 16 dead have all inflamed public opinion in Afghanistan and left the allied strategy of winning hearts and minds in tatters. Not surprisingly, an increasing number of Afghans now see the western presence in Afghanistan as the source of their problems.

Under growing pressure at home Karzai has requested that ISAF troops operating in rural village areas be confined to their bases by the end of the year. Many here in the West however would like to see the troops come home.

The recent death of six british soldiers in Afghanistan has merely crystallised the public’s doubts as to the futility of this 10-year-old war. Cameron’s visit to ground zero last week reminded us as to why we invaded Afghanistan, but many are at a loss as to why we are still there. Our withdrawal from Iraq and the killing of Osama bin Laden signalled for many of us the end of the 9/11 era which sits oddly with our continued presence in Afghanistan .

As agreed at a NATO summit a few years back combat troops will leave Afghanistan by the end of 2014. This deadline is unlikely to change as a result of recent developments, but the rate of withdrawal might well be accelerated and front loaded for the first half of 2014. Whether this withdrawal can be sequenced in an orderly way remains to be seen.

Our preoccupation with getting the troops hope is understandable but it should not overshadow efforts to train up the Afghan army and police force. Nor should it impede our efforts to find a political solution to the conflict involving all the parties. The Taleban’s decision to break of talks with the US is undoubtedly a set back, but it is too soon to know whether this is an attempt at brinkmanship or a sign that the talks are dead even before they started.

Even if the hopes of nation building in Afghanistan have all but evaporated we have a responsibility to ensure that we don’t leave the country in the grips of a bloody civil war. Nor should we allow our growing impatience to eclipse debate as to what our long-term commitment to Afghanistan should be post-2014.

Our war weariness is understandable but after the very real sacrifices that many have made over the last 10 years to merely high-tail it out of Afghanistan would be irresponsible in the extreme. Somehow or another we need to raise our horizons beyond the immediacy of the current setbacks and start having a more rational public debate as to our responsibilities post-2014.

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Unite for Syria: Stop One Year Of Bloodshed


Today 100s of NGOs and 1,000s of campaigners are coming together across the globe to call on the international community to UNITE FOR SYRIA and STOP ONE YEAR OF BLOODSHED.

I’m chuffed to bits that the Church of England is part of this campaign and I’m delighted to see that the Church of Sweden has also added its voice.

The conflict in Syria is now a year old today. Conservative estimates put the number of fatalities at over 8,000 – a large number of whom are women and children. The Assad government’s continued use of lethal force against its own people is among the worst cases of deliberate violence against a civilian population that we have seen in recent years.

There can be no excuse for such actions under any circumstances. Let’s not beat about the bush here, crimes against humanity have been committed and those responsible for such crimes must be brought to account. Responsibility for the current bloodshed ultimately rests with those in Syria ordering, permitting, or themselves committing, horrific crimes.

It is saddening that one year after the start of the Syrian uprising divisions in the Security Council prevent a unified and proactive international response to the crisis. Such divisions only give the impression that the Assad’s regime has friends and that the opposition ranged against him poses no threat.

That is simply unacceptable.

If diplomacy is to stand a chance of working, it is imperative that the international community sends a clear and united message that the violence must stop.

Today’s global campaign provides an opportunity for civil society organisations and activities from Indonesia to Egypt, UK to South Africa, Canada to Brazil, to stand in solidarity with all those still engaged in non-violent protest in Syria.

While there is no easy way out of this crisis, the moral obligation to bridge the current impasse lies with the members of the UN Security Council. If you are interested in adding your own voice to the campaign calling on the UN Security Council to act then go to http://www.facebook.com/UniteForSyria for further details.

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Revoking Assad’s licence to kill


Over the last few weeks I’ve been working with partners to coordinate a package of activities around the one year anniversary of the Syrian uprising on March 15th.

The first part of this is now complete, with publication of an open letter coordinated by Crisis Action by over 40 VIPs – former world leaders, Nobel Peace Laureates and leading international thinkers – from over 25 countries across all editions of the Financial Times.  The letter – a copy of which is pasted below – includes the signatory of the Bishop of Wakefield, the Rt Revd Stephen Platten, the Church of England’s lead bishop of defence and security.

The letter will also be picked up in Sueddeutsche Zeitung (Germany), Estado (Brazil), Today’s Zaman (Turkey) and in Al Sharq Al Awsat (MENA) and Le Figaro (France) on Tuesday. It is hoped that it will also be picked up in Russia, South Africa and India.

From Lord Ashdown, Mr Lloyd Axworthy, Mr Fernando Henrique Cardoso, the Bishop of Wakefield  and others.

Sir, One year after the start of the Syrian uprising, we are saddened to see divisions in the UN Security Council prevent a unified and proactive international response to the crisis. Responsibility for the current bloodshed ultimately rests with those in Syria ordering, permitting, or themselves committing horrific crimes. However, splits among the international community have provided the Assad government with a licence to kill. This licence must be withdrawn.

The Assad government’s continued use of lethal force against its own people is among the worst cases of deliberate violence against a civilian population that we have seen in recent years. There can be no excuse for such actions under any circumstances. In light of the heavy shelling of civilian areas and increasing casualties among women and children, we reiterate the conclusion of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights: that crimes against humanity have been committed and that those responsible must be brought to account.

We fear that the current impasse in international strategy is leading to an escalation in initiatives, such as arming the regime and the opposition, which could prolong the conflict and the suffering.

To break the stalemate, we must see Russia working alongside other international partners. We urge the Russian government to join collective efforts to bring a swift end to the conflict and restore peace and stability to Syria and its surrounding region. We warmly commend the appointment of Kofi Annan as the joint UN-Arab League special envoy for Syria. He must receive strong, unanimous backing from across the international community to engage closely with all governments and non-state actors, including Russia and China, to overcome the present paralysing divide. While we understand that there is no easy way out of this crisis, the moral obligation to bridge the current impasse lies with the members of the Security Council. Let there be no mistake, the credibility and international standing of any nation standing idle in the face of the avoidable tragedy unfolding in Syria will be severely damaged.

We urge members of the Security Council to unite and pass a resolution by consensus:
1. Calling on the Syrian authorities to cease all unlawful attacks against its population immediately, remove abusive military and security forces from cities and inhabited areas, guarantee peaceful protests do not come under attack and release all political prisoners and those held under arbitrary arrest from the beginning of the uprising to the present day. All other actors should also immediately cease all use of violence.
2. Urging the Syrian government to facilitate the delivery of independent and impartial emergency aid, ensure the evacuation of injured people in places of conflict, and call for effective access for humanitarian organisations. Particular attention should be directed to safe access to civil hospitals and adequate delivery of medical care in accordance with international law.

On the anniversary of Syria’s uprising, we remember the thousands of lives lost in their pursuit of a more just and hopeful future. It is the responsibility of us all to prevent the potential deaths of thousands more men, women and children who so desperately need our help.

Andreas van Agt, Former Prime Minister of the Netherlands

Lyudmila Alexeyeva, Head of the Moscow Helsinki Group

Kwame Anthony Appiah, Author

Lord Paddy Ashdown, Former High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina

Lloyd Axworthy, Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Canada

Bertrand Badie, Professor, Sciences-Po Paris

Robert Badinter, Former Minister of Justice, France

Pascal Boniface, Director of the Institute for International and Strategic Relations (IRIS)

Dr Rony Brauman, Former President of Médecins Sans Frontières

Sir Tony Brenton, Former UK Ambassador to Russia (2004-08)

Hans van den Broek, Former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands and European Commissioner for External Relations

Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Former President of the Federative Republic of Brazil

LGen the Honourable Roméo A. Dallaire (Retd), Senator, Former Commander of UNAMIR, the United Nations peacekeeping force for Rwanda

Basil Eastwood, Former UK ambassador to Syria (1996-2000)

Shirin Ebadi, Nobel Peace Laureate (2003) – Iran

Umberto Eco, Author

Jan Egeland, Former UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs

Ali Fakhro, Chair of the Arab Democracy Foundation

Leymah Gbowee, Nobel Peace Laureate (2011) – Liberia

Justice Richard Goldstone, Former Chief Prosecutor of the United Nations International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda

David Grossman, Author

Jean Claude Guillebaud, Former President, Reporters Sans Frontières

Jürgen Habermas, Philosopher

Stéphane Frédéric Hessel, Former UN Ambassador, Architect of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

Bianca Jagger, Council of Europe Goodwill Ambassador

Kamal Jendoubi, President of the Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network

Baroness Glenys Kinnock, Former UK Minister for Africa and the United Nations (2009-10)

F.W. de Klerk, Former President of South Africa

Zaki Laïdi, Professor, Sciences-Po Paris

Mairead Maguire, Nobel Peace Laureate (1976) – Ireland

Clovis Maksoud, Former Ambassador of the League of Arab States

Rigoberta Menchú Tum, Nobel Peace Laureate (1992) – Guatemala

Dr Pierre Micheletti, Former Président of Médecins du Monde

David Miliband, Former UK Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs

Marwan Muasher, Former Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister of Jordan

C.S.R. Murthy, Professor, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, India

Ana de Palacio, Former Foreign Minister, Spain

Rt Reverend Stephen Platten, Bishop of Wakefield

Hans-Gert Pöttering, Former President of the European Parliament

Reubens Ricupero, Former Secretary General of UNCTAD; former Minister of Finance of Brazil

Peter Singer, Philosopher

K.C. Singh, Former Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, India

Aleksander Smolar, Chairman Stefan Batory Foundation, Poland

Pär Stenbäck, Former Foreign Minister, Finland

Richard von Weizsäcker, Former President of the Federal Republic of Germany

Jody Williams, Nobel Peace Laureate (1997) – USA

Mokhtar Yahyaoui, President of Tunisia’s Centre for the Independence of the Judiciary

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The Obama-Netanyahu deal on Iran


A week laid up in bed with food poising – I knew I shouldn’t have ordered the Rye Oysters last Friday night – left me with little appetite to blog. With the sofa as my sick-bed I’ve spent the week flicking the news channels and watching amongst other things the coverage of Netanyahu’s visit to the US and President Obama’s subsequent Whitehouse Press Conference.

This last week might yet prove to be a pivotal week in the international community’s handling of Iran. The whole tone and direction of Obama’s speech to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee and his subsequent White House Press Conference appeared deliberately calibrated to shift the emphasis away from any loose talk about pre-emptive military strikes against Iran and back onto allowing diplomacy and sanctions time to work.

This is not to say that the military option has been taken of the table, it hasn’t. On more than one occasion Obama indicated that military action was an option in the last resort to be used if all else failed.

It is difficult to know whether this was a concession to Netanyahu or reflects wider US thinking that Iran is not a rational actor and can’t be contained. At times during his Presidency, Obama and Hilary Clinton have flirted with the idea of containment and have talked about extending a “nuclear umbrella” to the Middle East.

Whatever the answer here, the refocusing of attention back onto coercive diplomacy is revealing. It gives credence to reports that Iran is experiencing difficulties with its centrifuges and that the militarization of its nuclear technology is still some way away.

The political commentators and officials I talk to here in Westminster suggest that while much of Iran’s nuclear programme will be underground in the coming weeks, it is some months away from securing the necessary level of uranium enrichment and weaponisation is probably 2 years away.

We will learn pretty soon whether Ayatollah Ali Khamanei intends to cross the threshold from enrichment to bomb making. As yet, no-one really knows, least of all Netanyahu, but it is safe to say that an attack on Iran would definitely convince Tehran that it needs one.

Even if the threshold is crossed there is still time for sanctions and diplomacy to work. These are the most far-reaching and comprehensive sanctions that the international community has developed since the UN sanctions regime against Iraq.

They are impacting on Iran’s economy and its society and Iran’s ruling elite realises that this is a dangerous state of affairs when the regime lacks popular legitimacy. Unless Iran’s clerics can redress growing popular grievances – difficult to do when your coffers are empty – the regime itself could collapse. An attack on Iran now would only store up the legitimacy of the regime.

All of this might help to explain why Iran has been keen to return to the negotiating table and why world leaders have agreed to resume direct talks with Iran for the first time in over a year. There remains concern that they will repeat the course of negotiations that stalled in January 2011 in Istanbul, but any progress at this stage is welcome.

A depressing casualty of all this focus on Iran has been the lack of attention given to the stalled Middle East Process. At no time during Netanyahu’s visit did Obama mention the need for a freeze on settlements or refer to the 1967 borders with land swaps as the basis for negotiations.  As Philip Steven’s convincingly argues in today’s Financial Times, rather than banging the drum of war, Netanyahu really should focus on negotiating a peace with the Palestinians.

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Why do we fear a nuclear Iran?


ImageWhy do we fear a nuclear Iran? Are our fears rational or misplaced?

Most analysis starts from the assumption that a nuclear Iran would be dangerous. It follows that the international community should use a range of policy options, even possibly the use of military force, to stop such an eventuality. Such analysis may well prove to be right, but it tells us little about what drives the international community’s policy.

Although last year will go down as the end of the 9/11 era – death of Bin Laden and withdrawal from Iraq etc… – our thinking on Iran continues to be influenced by the era just passed. Iran continues to be seen as a rogue regime determined to export its Islamic revolution worldwide with the goal of destroying liberal dominions. Its active support of terrorist organisations like Hamas and Hezbollah has caused considerable human suffering and contributed to the general malaise affecting the Middle East Peace Process.

The fear aroused by the nexus of rogue regime, terrorism and WMD proliferation reflects very much a 9/11 security agenda and a preoccupation with the threat posed by radicalism and technology. This agenda has it own inbuilt logic when it comes to Iran: namely, that the fundamental problem with Iran is the nature of the regime itself. Waiting until Iran crosses the nuclear threshold is not seen as an option as a line would have been crossed since Iran would then be in a terrible position to blackmail anyone who opposes its aggression.

This self-serving logic is evident in the comments made by Prime Minister Netanyahu when he urges the US and others “to stop the nuclearization of terrorist states.” Even in his first term as Prime Minister, Netanyahu warned of the dangers. Addressing a joint meeting of the US congress back in 1996, he said: “The deadline for attaining this goal is getting extremely close. Deterrence by itself may not be sufficient. Deterrence must now be reinforced with prevention. Time is running out.”

This is not to argue that Israel should not be fearful of a nuclear Iran, it should –  it’s just that I’m not convinced by Netanyahu’s rhetoric that “its 1938 and Iran is Germany.” If Netanyahu really believed that Iran posed such an existential threat to Israel  on the scale of the holocaust then he would have approved military strikes against Iran well before Iran’s nuclear program entered “a zone of immunity.”

The public and political rhetoric that Iran is a rogue regime, an outpost of tyranny, is as fallacious as Iran’s description of the US as the Great Satan. Such rhetoric might have ideological benefits domestically and it might help to rally international support to Israel’s cause, but it grossly simplifies the situation. In turn it marginalises more rational examination of the threat posed.

The threat of nuclear proliferation in a region so unstable as the Middle East is very real concern. It’s generally believed that should Iran militarise its nuclear technology then Saudi Arabia would purchase, if it has not already done so, a ready-made nuclear deterrent from Pakistan, while Israel would sharpen its own nuclear posture. Other countries like Turkey would in turn consider their own position. 

During the Cold War, the nuclear doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) helped keep the peace between the US and Russia, but there were times, as with the Cuban Missile Crisis, when it very nearly all went belly up. Hot lines between Washington and Moscow helped to keep the peace.  No such lines of communication exist in the Middle East and even if they did it is far from clear that they could manage the problems of a multipolar nuclear Middle East. With the case of Iran, you would probably need multiple hot lines. There is a very real concern then that the tradition doctrines of deterrence will be found wanting in the Middle East.

Allied to the concern of regional proliferation is the very real prospect of Iran acquiring a nuclear capability while at the same time facing serious political unrest and uncertainty at home. If as predicted the large numbers of Iranians boycott today’s Parliamentary elections then it will be yet another nail in the regime’s coffin.

Rather than pumping fresh blood into the ailing body of the Islamic Republic, as Ayatollah Khamenei wants, these Parliamentary elections, as with the Presidential elections in 2009, merely signal its death knell. It is only a matter of time before the regime collapses from within and while such an event should be warmly celebrated, there are natural anxieties as to how any regime change might manage Iran’s nuclear programme.  

Should the regime crumble before violent street protests, then the ensuing anarchy could easily allow nuclear materials to be spirited away by those who bribe or steel their way into its nuclear facilities. And just as former Soviet and Iraqi scientists were headhunted when their own masters fell from power, so could destitute Iranian scientists one day also prove easy targets for foreign governments wanting their expertise.

All of this suggests that just as Iran has legitimate security concerns that drive its nuclear problems, so too does the international community have legitimate concerns regarding Iran’s behaviour. There are reasons enough to be worried by the prospects of a nuclear Iran that we don’t need to skewer the picture by framing our concerns through a 9/11 lens.

Such a lens unhelpfully leads us see the world in Manichean terms. As we put greater distance between ourselves and the 9/11 era just passed we urgently need to reclaim our critical reasoning when it comes to world events. Moving beyond a 9/11 frame of reference might help us to avoid making the wrong decisions when it comes to Iran. It might also help us to have a more sensible conversation as to the safeguards that are needed to prevent wider proliferation in the Middle East.

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